Dr Daniel Coxe, the first child of Daniel and Susanna of Westminster, afterwards of Stoke Newington, and grandson of Daniel of Othery, was born in London in 1640 or 1641. Nothing is known of his childhood, or of his education until he received his degree. His first known leanings were scientific : on 3 May 1665 he read a paper to the faculty of Gresham College, in Holborn, London, detailing an experiment he had made on the effect of nicotine on animals. By this time he was already a member of the Royal Society, having been elected in March 1664/5 - no doubt helped by the influence of his father's cousin, Dr Thomas Coxe. Perhaps through the same influence, he then went to Cambridge University to train as a physician, receiving his degree - "M.D.,
per literas regias" - in 1669.

On 12 May 1671 he married Rebecca Coldham, daughter of John Coldham, an Alderman of London and a member of the Grocers' Company, and his wife Rebecca. John Coldham's portion of the marriage settlement, "secured ... by act of parliament"1 and no doubt including an equivalent contribution from Daniel Coxe senior, consisted of £2,000 and "a lease for three lives holden of the Bishopp of London"2, the latter estate being settled, as was customary, on husband, wife, and any future children, as a jointure for Rebecca to provide her with an income in the event of her husband's death and as the basis of marriage portions for the younger children of the marriage. Secured or not to Rebecca, it is clear from later events that this "fortune" eventually came under Dr Coxe's control, whether through his wife's agreement or simply under the accepted conventions of coverture, whereby a wife's property was automatically at her husband's disposal.

John Coldham's wealth was probably gained mainly through property speculation. Apart from his mansion house home and other buildings in Tooting Graveney, just south of London, he owned extensive property in and around London. The four trustees named in his will, written 25 years after his daughter's marriage to Dr Coxe, were London merchants, which suggests that he augmented his income by dabbling in trade, probably by investing the rents from his many properties in the trading "adventures" of his friends.

Rebecca, John Coldham's wife and Dr Coxe's mother-in-law, has been incorrectly identified by various authorities on the Coxe family as the daughter of Sir John Dethick, who was Lord Mayor of London in 1655. Sir John's family, however, is well-documented ; he married three times and fathered eight children, but had no daughter named Rebecca. His daughter Elizabeth married Sir John Banks, financier to Oliver Cromwell and subsequently to three successive kings, who was a member of the Royal Society and a friend of fellow members Samuel Pepys and Dr Thomas Coxe (see Chapter 1). The probably source of the misidentification is a mention in John Coldham's will (1696) of "my brother ... Edmund Dethick" : this was Sir John's nephew (not to be confused with Sir John's son Edmund, who died in 1668), who followed his uncle to London from Norfolk and became a successful merchant. He had a house on London Bridge, and owned one-sixteenth shares in two merchant vessels, the London and the Mary of Ipswich3. He invested in various commodities : his will mentions vellum and parchment, and "ale and other liquors" - these being financial rather than mercantile ventures. He was part of a business, political and social circle which centred around the activities of the East India Company (in which he owned stock) and related trading business, and which included merchants like Dr Coxe's brother-in-law Michael Watts, the Rudge, Harrison and Jolliffe families (all related by marriage to Sir John Dethick), his son-in-law Edward Horsman, Sir John Banks, Dr Thomas Coxe and John Coldham, as well as other more distant members of the Dethick family. Edmund was a witness to Rebecca Coldham's will, but he was not - as had seemed probable to this writer for a while - her brother, but her brother-in-law : Rebecca was the daughter of Samuel Wood, like John Coldham a Master Grocer, and her younger sister Mary Wood married Edmund Dethick in 1657. John Coldham, therefore, was referring to his wife's sister's husband when he described Edmund as his "brother".

Daniel and Rebecca Coxe established themselves in Aldersgate Street, near St Bartholomew's Hospital and just west of Holborn. Their first child, Rebecca, was born around July 1672 and christened at St Botolph's Church in Aldgate - St Botolph's Without, because it was outside the City wall - where most of their younger children were also christened. No further record of Rebecca has been found, which suggests that she died in infancy, but twelve more children were born between 1673 and 1692 : Daniel (1673), John (1674), Samuel (1675), Susan (1677), Anne (1678), Mary (1679), Richard (1681), Elizabeth (1683), Lydia (1684), Coldham (1685), Priscilla (1686) and Nicholas (1692). From his marriage until about 1685 Dr Coxe seems to have concentrated on his busy medical practice, and it was during this period that he was appointed one of the physicians to Charles II and his wife, Catherine of Braganza. Once more, his father's cousin Thomas no doubt proved influential, if not instrumental, in the younger Dr Coxe's royal appointment. At the same time, Daniel continued to conduct scientific experiments, and now had his own laboratory. In 1674 the Royal Society's
Philosophical Transactions published two of his papers : A Discourse on Alcalizates and Fixed Salts, A Way of extracting Volatile Salt and Spirit out of Vegetables and The Improvement of Cornwall by Sea Sand.

The 1670s also saw the deaths of his sister Priscilla, in 1673, and his brother Samuel, in 1679, neither of whom had married, and the beginning of Dr Coxe's fascination with the exploration and acquisition of foreign lands ; in 1677 he wrote the preface to J. Phillip's
A Short Account of the Kingdoms Around the Euxine and Caspian Seas. On 30 September 1680 he was admitted as an Honorary Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians of London, when he was described as a "physician of eminence, a man of learning, and an author"4.

He had already begun to collect maps and accounts of travel and exploration, and in 1684 he took his first step towards acquiring property in the New World. He bought land near Burlington in West Jersey, where, by means of agents, he founded a large pottery, with a view to manufacturing porcelain or "white ware", some of which would be sold in America, some exported to the West Indies. He went to the expense of sending out a superintendent from England, an Edward Randall, but the venture was disappointing, mainly for the reason that there was "noe Clay in the County that will make white ware". This was pointed out by a potter named William Winn, giving evidence when Dr Coxe sued Randall for failing to fulfil expectations.

In 1686 Dr Coxe purchased more American property, this time in East Jersey. In September of the same year his father died, and was buried at St Mary's Church in Stoke Newington. Dr Coxe was a witness to his will - signing himself "Dan: Cox fil" - but not a beneficiary, almost certainly because he had received his portion at the time of his marriage.

A few months later, on 2 February 1686/7, he took a much more substantial step towards establishing himself as an American landowner. West Jersey had been divided into 100 shares, or proprietorships, of which the Governor, Edward Billing, owned 22. The grant had originally been made to Billing by the Duke of York (now King James II) and included the right of Governorship of the province. Billing died in January, and Dr Coxe purchased his entire West Jersey estate from his heirs, thereby buying for himself the title of Governor of West Jersey. When his plans to sail to America to take up his Governorship - or at least to make his presence known - failed to materialise, mainly due to the pressures of his medical practice, he appointed Billing's former Deputy Governor, John Skene, as his agent, and made Burlington West Jersey's seat of government. In September 1687, realising that it could be a long time before he was able to visit his newly-acquired fiefdom, he addressed a letter to the colony. This explained how he had acquired the grant and the governorship, and outlined his plans for West Jersey's future. In December his agent, John Skene, died, and Dr Coxe appointed Edward Hunloke Deputy Governor. The several proprietors, or shareholders, of West Jersey were eager to expand their land holdings by buying from the Indians, and in February they met twice with Dr Coxe's representatives and the West Jersey commissioners to propose a joint purchase. The
Proceedings reproduced here were transcribed by Judge John Clement of Haddonfield, New Jersey in the 1880s, who added that "the original manuscript being torn, and the writing often defaced, the words inclosed in brackets are conjecturally supplied".5

Proceedings of the Commissioners

The 8th day of ye twelveth month 16[87]
The deputy Govenor and Commissioners being then met at ye house of [Henry] Grubb in Burlington, proposed to Govenor Coxe's agent to joyn ye Proprietors [and] Commissioners in making as large a purchase from ye Indian natives [as can be] had on ye behalf of ye Govenor and proprietors of this Province. The [same] to be done with all convenient speed : to ye intent ye same purchase be made to ye best advantage to ye Govenor and proprietors. And that ye land (being soe purchased and cleared of ye Indians) may then accommodate those who are shortly expected from England.
Alsoe it being proposed by ye Govenors agent that a general warrant be granted to ye Deputy Govenor and Comrs for ye surveying of ye [said] lands belonging to ye first settlements for twelve proprieties of this province for ye Govenor. To which ye Deputy Govenor [and] they are very ready and desirous to accommodate ye Govenor therein : And alsoe may preserve themselves as clear of violating those laws [which] they are obliged by ye laws of ye Province to observe. And [alsoe they much] desire they may first see the deeds or authentique coppys [to follow] what had been ye methods of their predecessors in such [cases] whereupon warrant was issued forth calling ye [Proprietors together] that their minds may be further known therein.
The 13th of ye 12th month 1687. Upon several proposals of ye Govenors agent on behalf of ye [Govenor Daniel Coxe Esquire].
To ye Deputy Govenor and Councill and ye Commrs with petition to [forward] to ye Surveyor General for taking up ye Govenors shares of land of ye first divident or settlemts for twelve proprieties through ye Country, his making a particular purchase from ye Indians. The proprietors were thereupon called together to give their answer [and did] conclude and agree as follows. That foreasmuch as ye proposalls of ye Govenors agent ye day and year above said came before ye proprietors which being by them well con[sidered] and found to be contrary to ye former rules and methods for taking [up] land. Yet they being desirous to accommodate ye Govenor [as well as] those many families from England here hath given inform[ation and] are upon their remove unto this Province. And alsoe upon ye [expectations] and hopes of ye great advantage that will accrue to ye Prov[ince] in poepleing ye same.
The proprietors agree that ye Go[venor] may take up ye shares of land belonging to him for ye [first] divident of twelve proprieties, ye same to be taken up [as follows] one half thereof between Cohanzey and Beare-gate no[t exceeding] two places or tracts, and the other half to be taken up [above] the falls on any lands not before taken up and s[urveyed not] exceeding two places or tracts [ ] at soe [ ] the [ ] satisfied that ye [ ] not [ ] his purchase of ye same land particularly by himself.
Alsoe ye proprietors agree and appoint ye Court to assign a Warrant to ye General surveyor to survey and lay out ye lands as above said for ye use of ye Govenor when ye same shall be purchased of ye Indians. Ye agreement aforesaid subscribed by ye proprietors underwritten.
Andrew Robeson. Thomas Gardiner. John Dayes. William Royden. John Hugg. Bernard Devonish. John Pancoast. Elias Far. Thomas Barton. Freedom Lippincott. Isaac Marriott. William Cooper. John Shinn. James Atkinson. Thomas Sharp. Thomas Farnsworth. Percival Toole. William Beard. William Bates. John Kay. Thomas Thackara. John Reading. William Albertson. Thomas Mathews. Joshua Humphries. Nathaniel Cripps. Anthony Elton.
Copy of ye Warrant to ye Surveyor General.
In persuance of ye Agreement of ye Proprietors mett at Burlington in ye Province aforesaid ye 13th day of ye 12 month called February instant you are hereby required to lay out and survey to and for Daniel Coxe Esquire Govenor of ye said Province his severall shares and parcels of land to him belonging as his first divident for 12 proprieties in ye Province aforesaid : the one moietie or halfe part thereof to be taken up between Cohanzey and Beare-gate in ye said Province not exceeding two tracts or places, and ye other moietie or half part thereof above ye falls in ye said Province on any land not before taken up and surveyed not exceeding two tracts or places. The same land to be soe taken up and surveyed as aforesaid being first to be purchased and cleared from ye Indian natives. And make return thereof and of the bearings and boundings thereof at ye next quarterly court of sessions to be held at Burlington for ye jurisdiction thereof : to ye intent ye same may be then published and recorded by order of Court.
And for soe doing this shall be [your] sufficient Warrant.
Given under [our] hands at Burlington ye 13th day of ye 12th month called February Anno 1687.

On 30 March 1688, through his agent Adlord Bowle, Dr Coxe duly purchased further land in West Jersey from the Indians, as specified by the proprietors. His American ambitions, however, were not limited to the acquisition of land. He wanted, and probably needed, to make money. When his Jersey holdings proved less lucrative, at least in the short term, than he had hoped, he turned to other trading possibilities. A few weeks after the proprietors' meeting at Burlington, Dr Coxe was one of the signatories of an application to the Crown for incorporation of a mining and trading company to be established in New England, to mine lead and copper, and to process and export these along with forestry products, drugs, salt and dyestuffs. The application was eventually split into two parts : a mining project and a trading operation, and James II initially approved the former ; but the whole venture foundered when the king took flight in 1689.

In London in September 1688, perhaps still seeking both clarity and a degree of authority over his West Jersey holdings, Dr Coxe met Robert Barclay, the Governor of East Jersey, to settle the boundary between the two provinces. Although they reached agreement, the meeting failed in its purpose : the boundary continued to be disputed, and despite many calls for a proper survey was not finally settled until 1743, due at least in part to the opposition of Dr Coxe's son Daniel, who was in New Jersey (with some interruptions) from 1702 until his death in 1739.

Dr Coxe may have been aware of impending changes in the administration of the American colonies, or he may simply have become weary of the responsibilities of governing a large and populated area at a distance without the compensation of receiving a healthy income from it - which might be said to have been his main objective in purchasing it. Whatever the cause of his change of heart, around the end of 1688 he began to think of selling at least the greater part of his West Jersey property. To attract potential buyers, and perhaps also to justify his record as Governor and proprietor, he produced a promotional account of his holdings6 :

Dr. Daniel Coxe his Account of New Jersey

The province of New Cesaria or new Jersey is extended in Latitude from 38 Degrees 55 Minutes unto 41 degrees 40 minutes the Breadth in some places 90 miles in none lesse than 40.
The Quantity of my land in East and West Jersey amounts unto about Eight hundred thousand acres according unto the calculation hath bin made partly by persons upon the place whoe have travers'd it all, and partly by diverse here skilled in the Mathematick and Surveying.
My land in the County of Merimack scituated upon the greate River of Merrimack and the greate Lake of Winepesiocko amounts unto about Two hundred thousand acres, together one million of acres.
I have Leased about Tenn thousand acres for one hundred pounds per Annum and they are to purchase the Fee simple within three yeares paying Tenn pounds for every hundred acres. The land lately Leased is raised to Twelve pounds per hundred acres, and I never sold any under Tenn pounds per hundred. Greate Numbers come yearely from Bermudas, New England, New Yorke, Long Island, pensilvania and other parts of America to purchase lands and many hundred Familyes from the before menconed places are there already seated.
Besides the money may bee raised by sale of lands the purchasers will bee Intituled to the following Benefits.
1. The Hereditary or perpetuall Governmt of West Jersey which Containes almost foure Millions of acres and planted by a Numerous Industrious people. I have refused a Thousand Guineas for this only.
2. I have at the Expence of above Three thousand pounds setled a Towne and Established a Fishing for Whales which are very numerous about Cape may both within the Bay and without all along the sea coast which I am assured if well mannaged will bring in above £4000 per Annum all charges Defrayed.
3. Upon diverse greate Bancks within the greate Bay which is 60 Miles deep 30 Miles Broad at certaine Seasons resort infinite numbers of Excellent cod Fish, Basse, and other sorts and prodigious numbers of Sturgeons with which diverse shipps might bee yearly Freighted for the Islands of Barbadoes, Jamaica, &c. and for a Trade with the Streights, Spaine and Portugall.
4. Because the only thing which hath hindred our setting up this Fishery was want of salt wee have lately sent over diverse Frenchmen skillfull in makeing salt by the sun in pitts or pans whoe assure us there are many convenient places upon the Coast over against the places of Fishing where millions of Bushells may be made at the Expence of 4 pence per Bushell.
5. Wee have Excellent Timber for Foremasts and yards of shipps above a Thousand Tunn in burthen, Timber to build shipps good as any in ye world great plenty and admirable situacons of which I have lately made diverse Tryalls. There is excellent Timber for boards, spars, Milposts, clapboards, pikestaves and other Lumber for ye plantacons, Rivers for saw mills, the most proper land in the world for hemp for cordage, Store of ye pitch pine to make pitch and Tarr. I have been profered £200 per Annum onely for 7 yeares to have ye sole liberty of cutting masts upon my Land and wood for Lumber without any expence on my parte.
6. Excellent land for rape seed, Linseed, and Flax and good Iron workes. In severall parts of ye Country multitude of wild Grapes of which very good wine made of some sorts and ye worst affords Store of good Brandy. It is beleived by judicious p'sons French vignerons & others yt [that] some sorts of them improved by cultivating would p'duce as good wine as any in ye world.
7. I have erected a pottery att Burlington for white and Chiney ware a greate quantity to ye value of £1200 have beene already made and vended in ye country neighbour Colonies and ye Islands of Barbadoes & Jamaica where they are in great request. I have two houses and Kills [kilns] with all necessary implemts, diverse workemen, and other servts. Have Expended thereon about £2000.
8. I have intirely and soly in my possion a greate Tract of Land abounding wth rich Mines and Mineralls of diverse sorts excellently scituated for workeing vizt water for mills & water carriage, the particulars too many & too considerable to bee yett made publicke.
9. I have made greate discoveryes towards ye greate Lake whence come above 100,000 Bevers every year to ye French Canada and English at New Yorke, Jersey, pensilvania. I have contracted Freinshipp with diverse petty Kings in ye way to and upon ye sd [said] greate Lake and doubt not to bring ye greatest parte of ye sd Traffick for Furs into yt part of ye Country where I am setled and by my patent I am intituled to ye said Trade Exclusive of others.
10. I can Exclude ye Inhabitants of Pensilvania from this Fur trade by a grant I with diverse others have from Mr Penn of one hundred Fifty thousand acres wch I will procure to be transferred to ye purchasers of my land paying Five hundred pounds downe & £100 per annum quitt rent.
11. Lastly ye two provinces of East and west Jersey wth pensilvania which is onely seperated from them by ye river, take of Fifty thousand pounds worth of English Comodities giveing in returne beefe, porke, wheate, Flower, meale, biskett, pease, horses, Furs, oyle, &c. Ye provisions sell very well in Barbadoes, the Leewards Islands & Jamaica where they have in returne peices of Eight, sugar, Cottons, Indigo, Ginger &c. By a Magazine or Storehouse in Delaware River for European Comodities & for such as you receive in Exchange, a Circular trade may bee driven for greate profitt which by modest Computation may amount unto above Tenn thousand pounds per annum nor is there need of Ensurance. Wee have never lost goeing thither or returning for England or in ye Trade from thence to ye plantacons & Returnes one Single shipp out of above 300 have beene imployed within twelve yeares there being neither Rock or Shole in any of ye menconed Navigations nor any Danger upon ye coast within the greate Bay or River or within some hundreds of miles of our Coast towards ye North or South.
I have either att Cape May or Burlington four stout Negroes. Att the same Cape May a vessell of 30 or Forty Tunns begann many Months agoe and I suppose now finished. I built last yeare an Excellent good Sailour & yett strong built shipp of an 130 Tunns wch is now engaged in a circular Trade & comes from ye Barbadoes with ye next shipping. I soul'd her to divers Merchants for ye first cost with Interest. I ordered a shipp of the same magnitude to bee built upon the lanching of the former.
I have a plantacon att Cape May made by a very skilfull French Gardiner who is there resident hee hath planted some thousand Fruit Trees of divers and ye best sorts could bee procured.
I p'chased from ye Indians divers yeares agoe a Tract of admirable good Land conteyneing abt 70,000 acres. 15,000 of ye best in West Jersey (ye line dividing the two provinces passing through itt) I have taken upp and part thereof is in the Lease, & 30,000 in East Jersey some of wch is likewise lett. Whosoever takes upp any of ye remainder must pay mee the share of Indian purchase. I have mortgaged the 15,000 acres in West Jersey & my Interest in the Indian purchase (wch amounts to abt £200) for £700 Sterling money here in England. Besides ye twenty proprieties I can att prsent make good, theire will p'bably come to my share 7 or 8 proprieties or 100 parts being partly proprieties not sold or mortgaged for small sumes or in Trust all wch belonging to Billing I have p'chased from his heires and have pd all Excepting an Annuity of £30 per Annum for a life. I have besides the fore menconed a right unto three of the Tenn Burlington proprieties or Yorkshire Tenth unless they redeeme itt by ye paymt of £300 Sterling mony with divers yeares Interest. I am likewise entituled unto Tenn Lotts in the Towneshipp of Gloucester and as many in ye Townshipp of Dorsett or Egg harbour. I doe conjecture I have £100 per annum or more in Lease att Cape may and in Budd's Indian purchase where they have genrally as I am Informed planted and built, they have in their Leases a Liberty to buy ye Fee within the space of three yeares.
Divers p'sons are indebted unto mee and I to others yett I doe beleive upon the Ballance there is not Fifty pounds difference. I will quitt them to the purchasers or take upon my selfe wch unto them shall seeme most expedient. I had almost forgott to mencon a proposall hath been lately made mee of selling unto the undertakers for the building of St. Paul's, Ceeder Trees for the roof & inword work where wood is Imployed. By unanimous relacon of divers who have Examined these Trees there cannot bee found better in America, I might add, the world for both purposes.
Five of the tenn proprieties in Salem Tenth or County are Mortgaged unto mee for about £100 principall Interest and charges but about a moyety of the said proprieties were sould before mortgage. The remainder is Tenn times the value that is due to mee.

Dr Coxe clearly put a brave face, or a gloss, on the seventh item, and the fate of his pottery. The same is true of the fourth : one Frenchman was brought in to pan salt, but Dr Coxe's agent failed to pay him, the Frenchman moved on to more lucrative employment, and the salt works fell into ruin. The prospective purchasers of these infinitely promising lands could well have wondered what on earth possessed Dr Coxe to want to sell them.

It may have been inside information from the court. In 1689, shortly after the above account was written, James II placed the Jerseys under the Dominion of New England and its Governor Edmond Andros. The possibility arose that the proprietary charters would be impeached, and Dr Coxe, who had been planning to attract settlers from the growing population of French Huguenot refugees, opened negotiations with a group of prospective purchasers, led by Sir Thomas Lane and including his brother-in-law John Norton, future brother-in-law Michael Watts, and his father-in-law's friend Edmund Harrison, which came to be known as the West Jersey Society. The initial price offered him was £9,000, of which £4,000 was to be in cash and the remainder in the form of a mortgage on the property as a whole. This would have represented a "modest profit"7 for Dr Coxe ; moreover, he intended to retain a few choice estates, probably at Cape May and Burlington. Once again, the activities of the King interrupted his plans. When James II fled Britain, opening the way for William and Mary's "glorious revolution", Governor Andros was imprisoned and uncertainty prevailed in the American colonies ; and almost immediately England was at war with France. Dr Coxe continued to try and improve his American possessions as best he could, that year ordering the building of an imposing house and administrative headquarters, Coxe's Hall, on his Cape May fruit plantation, overlooking Delaware Bay. It has been described since as one of the few attempts to establish a mediaeval manor in West Jersey8.

In 1690, perhaps anticipating the sale of his Jersey holdings, he joined in a petition to the Lords of Trade for a grant of land extending west from New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia as far as the Pacific Ocean (then known as the South Sea). The area represented about a quarter of the entire North American continent, and comprised all of the country between 36°30'N and 46°30'N. Although the application was rejected, it indicates the change in Dr Coxe's ambitions that was to take shape with his later acquisition of the Carolana province, another vast tract of unpopulated (except by Indians, itinerant traders, and the odd Spanish and French settlement) and virtually unexplored territory.

In the same year, finding his medical responsibilities diminishing - he no longer had an official court appointment - he finally resolved to visit America. Intending to sail from Plymouth, he got as far as Salisbury, only to be "disswaded by a friend from the intended Voyage".9 Still negotiating to sell most of his New Jersey property to Sir Thomas Lane and the West Jersey Society, he wrote another promotional description10 of his holdings, together with his proposals for a share structure and an inflated asking price :

Proposalls made by Daniell Coxe proprietary and Governour of
ye provinces of East and West Jersey in America

The above menconed Daniell Coxe being resolved to sell his interest in Land and Governmt of the Collonies of East and West Jersey the land Amounting by a moderate Calculacon unto one million of acres whereof above 400,000 are surveyed and the Indian purchase paid, the remainder surveyed but not all ye Indian purchase pd which the said Daniell Coxe will att his owne Expence effect.
Besides the purchase of ye land many thousand pounds have beene Expended upon the establishing a whale Fishing which will bring for ye future very greate profitt to ye undrtakers with a small expence. Itt is believed a thousand pounds per annm cleere of all charges. The said Daniell Coxe hath likewise at Burlington two houses & Kill with all necessary materialls & implemts with diverse servants who have made a greate progresse in a pottery of white and China ware above £1200 worth being already made & vended in the Country neighbour plantacons & the Islands of Barbadoes, Jamaica, &c & well managed will probably bee very advantagious to ye undertakers. D. Coxe having Expended thereon to bring it to perfeccon all most £2000.
Further diverse Tracts of Land belonging unto D. Coxe are Excellently accomodated with Timber for building ships, Timber for ye plantacons, masts & yards for greater ships of which greate benefitt may bee made being neer great navigable rivers & furnished with divers small ones fitt for saw mills whereof one or two are already erected.
Besides the said D. Coxe hath ye greatest assurance imaginable that ye upper parte of ye Country wherein 2 parts of 3 of his land is scituated abounds with very rich mines of lead, Copper & other mettals & mineralls needlesse to be here menconed and that neer navigable Rivers.
Besides 2 Farmes one at ye towne of Harlem in New Yorke Island, the other neere Huntingdon in long Island, containing both betweene six and seaven thousand acres of choice land admirably scituated for Trade and Navigacon both having a good and numerous neighbourhood being both in the Government of new Yorke neere East Jersey. The premises will bee sold together with the Hereditary Governmt of west Jersey for which I have refused a Thousand Guineas, and above a tenth parte of ye Governmt in East Jersey wch were valued by Indifferent psons att £12,000 Sterling though they cost ye said D. Coxe almost double will be sold for £20,000 Sterling in manner following.
1. The whole is to be divided into 400 shares each share to be valued at fifty pounds and every share intitles ye purchaser to one vote and soe proporconably in ye managemt of ye Trade unto and Governmt of ye lands before recited excepting wt is hereafter Excepted.
2. Whosoever subscribes for 20 Shares shall bee stiled a grand proprietor of course imediately & thence forwards wthout new eleccon or Confirmacon one of ye Comittee of ye proprietors for Governmt of ye Country, improveing ye land and workeing ye mines for ye good of ye Communication as likewise of ye Committee of trade from England and in ye provinces wth Indians, English & others & to continue in such stacon so long as hee is intitled unto 10 shares when his interests fall short of that number to bee in equall Condicon with others in like circumstances.
3. Whoesoever subscribes for 10 shares is always of course to be wthout further eleccon or Confirmacon one of ye Committee for Trade so long as hee keepes 5 shares then to be on equall termes with others.
4. A Governour & Deputy Governour are to be Annually chosen or confirmed by the purchasers or proprietors having votes according to ye number of shares.
5. Att the same time ye purchasers or proprietors are ye first meeting to elect and every other meeting after add soe many Assistants to ye Commtee of grand proprietors soe many as will make their number 20 and soe many to ye originall proprietors for trade wch are such as have 10 shares soe many Assistants as will make them 30.
6. If any prson hereafter by purchase attaine to 20 Shares hee shall bee of course a grand proprietor. If 10 of course one of ye Committee for trade to take his place ye next Annuall meeting and not sooner wthout consent of ye majority of ye said Committee or of a Generall Court.
7. Out of ye Grand Commtee of proprietors 5 shall bee deputed to Concert affaires wth ye proprietors of East Jersey whensoever there is occasion abot ye Governmt of ye said province according unto their present Laudable Custome & Constitution whereby every one possessing halfe a propriety is admitted to all publick consultacons with a right of voting.
8. As every share hath a vote soe shall every proprietor receive their Dividends out of ye profitt & pay towards all charges agreed upon by ye respective Committees according unto their particular proporcons. The prsent proprietor of these lands demands this priviledge yt he may have the liberty any time wthin 12 months if hee thinkes fitt to put in any sume of money not Exceeding £2000 and thereupon be Entitled unto 40 Shares paying his proporcon towards all publicke charges from ye sale of ye prmises by him unto ye Society of purchasers or proprietors.
Being desired by diverse who designe to purchase yt I would propose a scheme, I present ym [them] wth what preceeds not as if they were to be concluded by it but to approve or reject or substitute thereunto or subtract therefrom as they shall see Convenient.

The sale to the West Jersey Society was finally concluded in March 1691/2. The agreed price was £9,800, which covered most of Dr Coxe's property in the Jerseys, but did not include Coxe Hall : among the terms of the deed of transfer was a requirement for a royalty of "two fat capons or hens delivered at Coxe Hall, Cape May, Dec. 24, yearly"11.

The project to establish a mining company in New England was resurrected in 1692, and approved by King William. The extent of Dr Coxe's involvement is unknown, but he continued to interest himself in New Jersey, writing on 5 August to the Reverend Thomas Bridges in Bermuda to encourage him to move to West Jersey to help establish the Anglican church in the face of the colony's large Quaker population, and expressing his hope that the Indians might be converted to Christianity. Bridges accepted the invitation.

Daniel and Rebecca's youngest child, Nicholas, was born in 1692, and on 6 June Dr Coxe's sister Mary, who may have been living with her brother's family in Aldersgate Street, married Michael Watts, the merchant friend of Rebecca's father John Coldham and her uncle by marriage Edmund Dethick. Around this time, Dr Coxe built several houses on a plot of land just off the Edgware Road, which he called Coxe Court. He demolished the house in Aldersgate Street and moved to his new home about 1694. Coxe Court was eventually pulled down in the 19th century, and Bowman's Buildings built on the same site.

John Coldham died in June 1696, and his will, written in May with a codicil dated 3 June, was proved on 2 July, administration being granted to his daughter and sole executrix Rebecca Coxe, his only surviving child. He left almost all of his property and money to his twelve living Coxe grandchildren, either directly or on the death of other beneficiaries. The financial bequests alone represented a large sum of money : £800 to each of Rebecca's children, payable to her sons at the age of twenty-one (except for Daniel, who was already of age) and to her daughters at twenty-eight, or when they were married. The knowledge that a substantial part of his father-in-law's money and property would shortly come under his wife's control (albeit with the supervision, to some extent, of the four trustees) must have contributed to Dr Coxe's decision to buy, for an unspecified price and in the same month that John Coldham died, the patent to the province of Carolana. Coldham's will indicates that Dr Coxe was not averse to appropriating money intended for his wife : of the jointure property settled on the Coxes at their marriage, he wrote, "the said Doctor Cox my Sonne in Law haveing since upon urgent occasions Sold the said Estate". It is not difficult to imagine the nature of those urgent occasions while reading Dr Coxe's own catalogue of his New Jersey expenditure. The fate of the many estates in John Coldham's will left directly or in trust for his grandchildren, or of the rents payable from those estates, which were also earmarked for the maintenance, education and ultimate receipt of the Coxe children, cannot be ascertained, but it is significant that not one of the properties listed by Coldham is mentioned in any subsequent Coxe family will ; in contrast, the properties left to the descendants of Samuel Coxe, Dr Coxe's son, by his father-in-law Edward Belitha were passed down and divided between the children of several generations of Coxes.

It is worth listing those properties to indicate not only the extent of John Coldham's wealth, but also to suggest the effect that the prospect of gaining control over them might have had on Dr Coxe :

"my Mannor in Bledlow in the County of Bucks called Cockams Mannor"
Lands held "by two Severall Leases of or from Eaton Colledge"
A "Mansion house in Tooting Graveney" in South London (John and Rebecca Coldham's home)
Lands held "by Lease of Magdalens Colledge in Oxf'd"
Three houses in Tooting Graveney "joyning all together"
A house "and five acres of Land a garden and Orchard in the County of Kent in the Parish of Tenterden"
"Three messuages or tenements without Temple Barr in the Parish of St Clements Danes London"
A house "in Southwark in the Parish of St. Saviours ... being devided into three Tenements"
"all my Lands lyeing and being in the Parish of Mitcham in the County of Surry"

That Dr Coxe, whose share of his father-in-law's will amounted to a single bequest of £100, appropriated to himself, by whatever means, the disposal of the Coldham estate is further evinced by his daughter Lydia's attempts, from about 1706 onwards, to extract her share of her grandfather's estate by litigation, as will be shown below. The only one of Dr Coxe's children who clearly did receive an appropriate share was Daniel, whose bequest of £800 was paid to him directly, and who ultimately reaped the benefits, and some of the problems, of his father's American property.

Whatever might have been his source of funds, or his expectations of imminent wealth, in June 1696 Dr Coxe bought the title to the province of Carolana from Sir James Shaen. About half the size of the more northerly grant of land unsuccessfully applied for six years earlier, Carolana was nevertheless the largest grant of American land ever made by the English crown to an individual. Named for Charles I, it was originally granted by that king to his Attorney General, Sir Robert Heath, in 1629. Heath had bequeathed it to Lord Maltravers, from whom it had passed, either by sale or legacy, to Shaen. The province consisted of about an eighth of the total land area of what are now Canada and the United States together, stretching from 31°N to 36°N, or from the present-day St Johns River, then the River St Mattheo, north to Albermarle Sound, formerly Passo Magno, and westward to the South Sea : that is, roughly from Nashville down to Baton Rouge, all the way across from Georgia and the Carolinas to the Pacific. The title specifically excluded the Spanish settlements of St Augustine and New Mexico, but included Norfolk County, Virginia, which had come into Lord Maltravers's possession through a separate grant from John Harvey, Governor of Virginia. Because of the Carolina grant of 1665 and inadequate or inaccurate geographic knowledge, there were inconsistencies between the Carolana patent, the boundaries of Carolina, and Spanish territorial claims. Dr Coxe evidently accepted that prior settlements were not included, claiming that his title was only to the unsettled parts south and west of Carolina on the Gulf of Mexico, and in the Mississippi Valley ; for his intents and purposes, Carolana began at Carolina's western boundary. Officially, boundaries of the several territories remained unresolved for years.

Dr Coxe commissioned a James Spooner, probably a lawyer, to draw up a charter and bylaws for his new colony. It was to be a commonwealth, and Coxe and Spooner decided to call it "the New Empire". Spooner's eleven-page, undated draft stated that £400,000 capital stock would be raised by creating an Imperial Company of 80,000 shares at £5 each. Fourteen original proprietors would hold 20,000 shares, the others being distributed among a thousand associates, although 5,000 would be kept aside to be given to selected "persons of quality", the idea being that these, the celebrities of their time, would attract national interest in the scheme and lend it glamour. From the associate members would be chosen the members of various committees : for Religion, Law, Trade, Accounts, Poor, Criminals, Charity and Natives. There would be a Governor, a deputy and twelve assistant officers. Two important aspects of the project, as Spooner made clear, were "the promulgation of the gospel amongst the Indians and infidels", and the transportation to the New World of the poor, particularly debtors. Dr Coxe was probably also thinking of the growing number of French Huguenot refugees, and their search for a new home. Several details of the Coxe-Spooner plan anticipated the later Oglethorpe settlement in Georgia.

While there is no evidence that Spooner's document was ever presented to the king, the fact that William III later became involved in Coxe's plans for the Protestant refugees suggests that this draft, or a modified version of it, would probably have been produced by Dr Coxe in support of his applications for royal assistance.

In the winter of 1696/7 his mother-in-law Rebecca Coldham died, leaving £100 to her eldest grandson Daniel, an annuity to her maidservant Dorothy Scrivener, and the rest of her property to her daughter Rebecca, whom she named her executrix. Dr Coxe had by now disposed of most of his West Jersey property. The New England mining venture was still alive, however, and in 1697 Dr Coxe joined with his associates and their agents in drafting a limited plan of colonial union in North America. They proposed that New England and New York be united under a civil governor, who would also have military command over Connecticut, the Jerseys and adjacent charter colonies. For the position of Governor they recommended the Earl of Bellomont. Like his son Daniel's suggestion in
Carolana, a quarter of a century later, this would not have constituted a United States of America so much as an Amalgamated American Colonies of Great Britain.

In 1697 a French explorer, Father Louis Hennepin, published an account of his American discoveries as
Nouvelle découverte d'un très grand pays situé dans l'Amérique, in which he stated his belief that once the boundaries of Carolina and Carolana were properly surveyed and agreed upon there would be ample land in the American interior for both the British and the French. Dr Coxe is believed to have been responsible for the London edition of this book, A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America, published in October of the same year, which included a bid for a colonisation project similar to Spooner's proposed charter and references to a forthcoming work which would contain a map of Carolana and accounts of its inhabitants, commodities and trading potential - all of which would be true of the 1722 Carolana, and perhaps indicates that Dr Coxe had already begun to work on the book which was later published under his son's name.

Dr Coxe's first move to populate his "New Empire" was to transfer half a million acres of land west of the Apalachicola River, part of the Carolana patent, to Sir William Waller and two French refugee associates, the Marquis Olivier de la Muce and M. Charles de Sailly. The transfer was signed on 2 May 1698, and was conditional that 200 French Huguenot families would be settled there inside two years. Within the first seven years, provided that all conditions were met, Waller and his associates had an option to take up additional land, up to a maximum of a further 500,000 acres. Payment for the initial tract during the first seven years was "a ripe ear of Indian corn in the season", after which a quit rent of five shillings per 500 acres of land, "or the value thereof in other coin", would be payable on the original acreage as well as on any further land taken up. About a month later, in conjunction with this, Dr Coxe published a one-page pamphlet entitled
Proposals for Settling a Colony in Florida, inviting beleaguered northern European Protestants to settle on his lands, and extolling Florida-Carolana's material possibilities and trading prospects. He proposed a project in two parts : a land and trading company, and an association of merchants to provide food and transportation costs for the refugees. A one-quarter share would secure for a settler 100 acres of land, transportation to the New World and food for the journey. Meetings were scheduled at a Cheapside tavern, and at the Marquis de la Muce's home.

Another French journal of exploration, Henri de Tonti's
Dernières découvertes, was published in London this year, the translation, according to Dr Coxe, being made from his copy. The French Government, aware that Father Hennepin had been in correspondence with interested parties in England about his discoveries, and learning of Dr Coxe's plans to settle Huguenots in Carolana, sent a secret agent to London in July to investigate. Dr Coxe's "New Empire" worried them more than the desultory settlement attempts of the Spanish. Perhaps the secret agent even attended the wedding of Dr Coxe's daughter Anne and Samuel Harris, an East India Company merchant, which took place on 6 July in St Giles's Church, Cripplegate.

In October two small brigantines, filled with about five hundred prospective settlers, mostly Protestant refugees, sailed from England for the Gulf coast, the first wave of what Dr Coxe hoped would become a flowing tide of emigrants to his land of promise. The expedition was jointly organised by Waller's French Huguenot associates and the doctor, and Captain William Bond was in command of both vessels. They arrived in Charleston and settled in there for the winter. The plan was to sail around Florida to the Gulf of Mexico and up the Mississippi, there to meet up with a group of Chickasaw traders who were exploring westwards from Carolina. Meanwhile the French and Spanish, alerted to Coxe's plan, had sent out similar parties in a race to create settlements on the Gulf. The Spaniards were the first to arrive, in November, and established themselves at Pensacola ; the French, under d'Iberville, finding Pensacola occupied, sailed on to Biloxi. The English expedition, sheltering in Charleston, were probably not even aware that they had inspired a race, let alone lost it.

The following May Captain Bond set off from Charleston in one of the ships, the
Carolina Galley, a corvette of twelve guns. He sailed south along Florida's east coast, into the Gulf of Mexico, and passed the Spanish settlement at Pensacola and the French at Biloxi without observing them. Meanwhile in England, on 3 June, Dr Coxe was proposed for membership of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.

Carolina Galley sailed on past the mouth of the Mississippi and about 300 miles to the west, before turning back to explore the river and rendezvous with the traders. They arrived at the river mouth on 29 August, and began exploring its lower reaches, with the aid of a map Dr Coxe had put together from Spanish sources. Captain Bond noted in his journal that he could make no headway in the middle of the stream, but found that he could run easily up the side of the river where the current was weaker. About seventy miles upriver they encountered two canoes ; a party of Frenchmen under the Sieur de Bienville, who had entered the Mississippi on 2 March with his brother, the French leader d'Iberville. De Bienville was engaged in sounding the river, and was perhaps more startled to see an English ocean-going vessel so far up the Mississippi than the English were to find Frenchmen in canoes. De Bienville, doing his best to bluff, told Captain Bond he was not in the Mississippi at all, but another river which communicated with it further north, but Bond produced Dr Coxe's map, somewhat to the Frenchman's surprise, and pointed out that the English claim to the Mississippi had been established for at least 50 years. De Bienville replied that the French had, unlike the English, established a settlement - which Bond, not having spotted Biloxi, did not believe. His first thought was that this group of Frenchmen had come downriver from Canada to trade with Indians. Nevertheless, the Carolina Galley turned round, after Captain Bond had advised de Bienville that he would return with a stronger force to lay claim to the country. The place where they met has been known ever since as English Turn, and d'Iberville, perhaps with his brother's report in mind, later described Bond as "un estourdy peu capable" - "a scatter-brain of little efficiency"12. But the French did in fact take the English expedition seriously ; Bond's meeting with de Bienville was directly responsible for their decision to build a fort about 50 miles from the mouth of the Mississippi to protect it from further encroachment by the English.

Carolina Galley returned to Charleston, and both ships set off on the voyage back to England. In London, Dr Coxe, unaware of the fate of his expedition, submitted a memorandum to the Board of Trade proposing a trading and colonising company for Carolana, to be called the Florida Company. He argued that it should have the same privileges and protection granted to any other English trading company and claimed that the country was ideally suited for both settlement and trade. If a joint stock company could be organised and £50,000 raised by 24 June 1700, Dr Coxe stated, he would willingly surrender his own title to the province. But he also requested a further land grant, comprising a large stretch of the Gulf coast south of Carolana's 31°N boundary, in order to provide access to his lands in the interior - a problem Captain Bond would point out on his return. To assure the Board of Trade of his rightful claim to the Carolana patent, Dr Coxe appended to the memorandum a history of the discovery, exploration and apportioning of the area, entitled A demonstration of the just pretensions of the King of England to the Province of Carolana alias Florida, and of the present Proprietor under his Majesty, an abstract of which was later included in his son Daniel's Carolana. The Board of Trade passed this document to the Attorney General, who reported that "Dr. Coxe has a good Title in Law to the said Province of Carolana, extending from 31 to 36 Degrees of North Latitude inclusive, on the Continent of America, and to several adjacent Islands"13. But the Board of Trade turned down his bid for incorporation of the Florida Company on the grounds that a Carolana settlement would weaken other English possessions in America by attracting settlers from the older colonies and thereby depopulating them. They also noted their fears concerning the ultimate religious and political affiliations of the French Huguenots, the possibility of Spanish retaliation against British ships, and the likelihood that coastal settlements in the Gulf would provide a haven for pirates. Nevertheless, the Board did submit both Dr Coxe's proposal and their own list of objections to the king ; the doctor later claimed that William III had approved and promised to aid the venture, and that the death of another supporter, Lord Lonsdale, in 1700, followed by the king's death and the outbreak of war in 1702 had finally put paid to the project. At the time, however - on 2 January 1699/1700, within a fortnight of the Board's rejection - Coxe proposed abandoning his Florida Company idea, and suggested instead that those who had intended to go to Carolana should be settled instead in Virginia, asking for a new grant of land on the Morisco River. This and later actions suggest that his claims of royal support were unsubstantiated, and that what help the king eventually offered was rather in response to the plight of the unsuccessful Huguenot settlers than in support of Dr Coxe's plans. A few days later, on 8 January, Dr Coxe informed the French refugee leaders that he now anticipated difficulties in establishing a colony in Carolana. As he had not yet had Captain Bond's report, this was probably based on news that the French had established settlements on the Mississippi as well as in reaction to the Board of Trade's objections. On 25 January he withdrew his proposal of 2 January and submitted new plans to move the French refugee settlers from Carolana to Norfolk County, Virginia, already part of his title to Carolana. The French leaders rejected this idea and accused Dr Coxe of trying to deceive them. Dr Coxe denied this, and announced that to vindicate himself he would publish a full account of his activities in America over the past twenty years, in which he had personally spent more than £10,000. If this did not reveal that he had acted "in the best interests of his country" he would accept their accusations. The account seems not to have been published.

Carolina Galley arrived back in England in February, without its companion vessel, which had been wrecked off the English coast with all hands lost. Captain Bond duly reported to Coxe that the French had a strong foothold in the Gulf of Mexico, and that the Carolana patent did not extend far enough south to include the Gulf coastline. Dr Coxe immediately arranged a meeting to introduce the Captain to members of the Board of Trade, at which Bond presented them with a number of maps of the Gulf coast drawn up during his voyage, while Coxe gave a report on the health, fertility and pleasantness of the country. Bond's maps later "created a sensation"14 in Paris, and his journal of the voyage proved useful to subsequent explorers of the Mississippi.

The returning and disillusioned Huguenot refugees, having failed to settle in Carolana under English protection, petitioned Louis XIV for permission to settle on the Mississippi under the French flag, but Louis "replied that he had not chased heretics out of his kingdom to create a republic for them in America"15. Dr Coxe then submitted a request to the Board of Trade to settle the Huguenots either at the head of the St Johns River or in Norfolk County, as he had proposed on the 25 January. Charles de Sailly represented the doctor, who was ill, at a meeting with the Board, at which he told them that Coxe still intended to prevent French Catholics from settling on the Mississippi, regarding them as dangerous neighbours - a view which was self-evidently even closer to de Sailly's heart than to Dr Coxe's. The Archbishop of Canterbury offered to come to the French Protestants' aid, promising them charity money to assist them in their voyage to wherever it was decided they would settle.

The Huguenot leaders reported to the Board on 20 February that they had negotiated with Dr Coxe for a tract of land near Dismal Swamp in Norfolk County. They requested that the king recommend them to Francis Nicholson, Governor of Virginia, and grant them assistance for the trip. On 7 March the Board, having reached agreement on the Norfolk County plan, referred the refugees' request for aid to the king, asking him also to make the French Protestants British subjects, which would give them privileges not accorded to foreigners. William approved the request, immediately authorised letters of denization (naturalisation), and wrote to Governor Nicholson directing him to give the colonists all possible help and encouragement ; he granted them £3,000 through the Committee for the Distribution of the Royal Bounty, and instructed Dr Coxe to supervise the emigration.

A month later the
Mary-Anne, carrying 207 Huguenot refugees including Charles de Sailly and the Marquis de la Muce, departed for Virginia. They arrived at the mouth of the James River on 23 July 1700. Governor Nicholson, having decided in the meantime that the Dismal Swamp site, unsurprisingly, was not suitable for settlement, had selected for the incoming Frenchmen better land at Manikin Town in the Virginia Piedmont. By this time both Nicholson and the French Huguenot leaders were openly critical of Dr Coxe. The Governor, who believed Coxe to be "an honest gentleman and an able physician"16, thought Coxe had given up such projects after his disappointments in the Jerseys, and considered that others had taken advantage of his good nature, telling him of new lands and providing him with maps and literature ; if Coxe could be persuaded to come to America to see exactly what his purchase entailed he might perhaps be dissuaded from pursuing his grandiose ideas. The Frenchmen were less charitable, considering their association with Dr Coxe a sorry failure.

The refugees left for their new settlement on 31 July, and in August de Sailly wrote, "We are, thank God, in a fine and beautiful country, where, after the first difficulties, we shall live well and happily."17 At about the same time a second ship, the galley Peter and Paul, sailed from London carrying 169 refugees under the charge of a M. de Joux, who had just been ordained a minister of the Anglican Church by the Bishop of London. This second vessel arrived in Jamestown in November, followed by a third, the Nassau, carrying 191 Protestant refugees from northern Europe. By the time the Reverend de Joux arrived in Manikin Town "half of the first party lay sick at the Falls, languishing under misery and want". De Joux and de Sailly were quickly at loggerheads, mainly because of de Sailly's insistence that the newcomers could only have supplies if they swore an oath of fidelity to his personally-appointed Justices of the Peace. De Joux, who described de Sailly as hardhearted and his conduct as "odious and insupportable", complained to Governor Nicholson. De la Muce also wrote to Nicholson, attempting to pour oil on troubled waters, pointing out that Charles de Sailly was ill, and that there really was not enough food for the newly-expanded settlement. Nicholson took matters into his own hands and started a subscription for the refugees : "a considerable sum was raised and applied to their relief".

Thus, only four years after he acquired the patent, ended Dr Coxe's first and last attempt to settle Carolana - and with it, effectively, his direct involvement with America. For the rest of his life he continued to take what opportunities he could to try to resurrect his dream of a "New Empire", but increasingly the responsibility came to rest on his son Daniel. The latter's
Carolana could be said to represent a last-ditch attempt to revive interest in the doctor's plans, as well as being a son's tribute to his father. After Carolana's publication and the younger Daniel's return to America he was probably too deeply immersed in his New Jersey activities even to give any thought to that vast property of his father's, its very identity becoming blurred year by year as the settlers and surveyors encroached further inland. The War of the Spanish Succession, or Queen Anne's War, beginning in 1702, virtually silenced Dr Coxe throughout his sixties ; the British Government was not going to devote money, thought or energy to one man's settlement project when there was a war to fight and to finance. His new royal appointment undoubtedly also played a part in suppressing his American ambitions - and perhaps he needed a rest from the energetic campaigning and pamphleteering of the past decade. As an epitaph to Dr Coxe's career as an empire-builder, it has been said that "after 1700 his sole significance was a voice warning England against French encirclement in North America".18

Dr Coxe conveyed the last of his Jersey properties, consisting of 4,500 acres and other interests, to his son Daniel in a deed dated 29 July 1701. Within a year Daniel Coxe
fils was in New Jersey.

In August 1702, at the outbreak of war, Daniel Coxe
père and several associates revived a project - which had previously been presented unsuccessfully for the approval of James II and William III - to charter a company to provide naval stores from New England. Believing that the requirements of a wartime navy would tip the scales in their favour, they petitioned Queen Anne, who eventually granted them a company charter in 1704.

Of the doctor's family, his son John, a linen draper, had married Margaret Robinson on 26 November 1700, and in 1702 Dr Coxe wrote to his eldest son in Burlington that Daniel's sister Anne Harris had been seriously ill and was still uncertain to recover. Anne survived, but in the spring of 1705 Dr Coxe's mother and his brother Nathaniel died within a few weeks of each other. In 1706 his unmarried daughter Lydia sued her father in the High Court of Chancery for her share of her grandfather John Coldham's legacy. On 14 November the Court ordered Dr Coxe to produce the £500 still owed to Lydia from the original bequest of £800, an order he seems to have ignored. Whether the commission of bankruptcy (which included a further £225, her share of outstanding rents on the properties bequeathed to the Coxe children) was issued against him at this time or later as a result of prolonged litigation is unclear, but it seems certain that by 1706 Rebecca's fortune and his own profits - if profits there were - from his American investments were spent, and that Dr and Mrs Coxe's circumstances were straitened in comparison to those of their years in Aldersgate Street. Whether or not he still retained his appointment as physician to the Queen - the dates of this are unknown - his medical practice by now must either have been much quieter or the doctor had retired. He was still collecting literature on the New World, and in 1707 is generally supposed to have been instrumental in having
The Humble Submission of Several Kings, Princes, Generals, etc., to the Crown of England published in London. It was the text of the 1705 alliance between South Carolina and the Creek Indians, inhabitants of Coxe's lands, against French and Spanish settlers. He would not have passed up any opportunity to keep Carolana in the public eye.

Between 1706 and 1719 Dr Coxe himself vanishes from the public record, with the exception of an attempt, about 1713, to have Governor Robert Hunter of New Jersey removed from office. Together with his sons Samuel and Daniel, he put his name to a series of documents attacking the Governor's record. This was the younger Daniel's campaign, and is described more fully in the next chapter. Daniel and his wife Sarah, who had been married in Burlington on 8 May 1707, had returned to London to escape a political maëlstrom - largely of Daniel's own making - in New Jersey, but this effort to remove his arch-enemy failed.

Dr Coxe's son John died in the summer of 1707, aged 32, leaving two young children ; their mother Margaret married again in March 1710/1. His daughter Priscilla married Richard Jennys on 11 May 1712 at St Mary Magdalene Church in Old Fish Street, London, near the newly-completed St Paul's Cathedral. Susan Trapham, the doctor's sister, died on 31 January 1712/3. Circumstantial evidence suggests that while Lydia Coxe had allies among her siblings, her antagonism towards her father was not generally shared, and Dr Coxe probably found himself able to spend more time with his children in his seventies than had been possible during the years of medical practice and American adventure. It was probably during this period that he and Rebecca moved from Coxe Court to Hoxton, about a mile east of Islington and not far from Stoke Newington ; several of his children and grandchildren had now settled in Newington Green, between Stoke Newington and Hoxton.

The Peace of Utrecht, which terminated the war in 1713, left unresolved the French government's claims to American territory west of the British colonies, and a map of America, produced in 1718 by the Frenchman Guillaume Delisle, showed the British territory bounded on the west by the Appalachians. The Board of Trade, worried by these implications of French ambition in America and the possibility of losing ground by default, summoned Dr Coxe in 1719 to give evidence of his holdings and title to Carolana. He made several appearances and produced a mass of documentation (despite being unable to find some accounts of explorations he had sponsored) including a revision of his 1699 memorandum. He suggested to the Board that the boundary with the French be drawn at the River Mississippi, indicating that he was now prepared to give up his claim to the western part of Carolana. Nothing was resolved by the Board of Trade, but Dr Coxe evidently saw the meetings as an opportunity to revive his Carolana settlement project, to the extent of raising suspicions that he was trying to "make a bubble out of it".19

But the doctor was now almost eighty years old, and content to leave his son Daniel, on a long visit to England, to collate and publish the substance of his fifty years' collection of literature. We see Dr Coxe now only fleetingly, from the pen of his daughter Anne Harris, who wrote in 1722, "Docter Packs in the middle More feilds sells the Best Purging Salts of any Body. We must ask by no other name then the Best Purging Salts and tell that we was recommended by Doctor Coxe",20 and then, in March 1724/5, that her father had one of her husband Samuel Harris's fringed neckcloths, and was visiting the Harrises in Newington Green because his granddaughter Polly (Mary Harris) was ill. Anne sent a loaf of sugar for her mother back to Hoxton with her father.

In March 1727/8 Lydia Coxe, in her will, recounted the history of her financial disputes with her father, and referred to money still owed to her "from the estate of my said father Daniel Coxe". Other accounts of Dr Coxe have given his date of death specifically as 19 January 1729/30, but if Lydia's statement is taken at face value it would appear that he died between 1725 and 1727 - and died a bankrupt. His daughter Mary, who married Michael Burnett on 25 January 1725/6, applied for administration of her grandparents John and Rebecca Coldham's estates, which had been left unadministered by her mother, Rebecca Coxe. Letters of administration for both were granted to Mary Burnett on 19 December 1732. Assuming that her mother's death prompted Mary's application, it could well be that Rebecca outlived her husband, and possibly the 1730 date refers to her death and not Dr Coxe's ; perhaps "Mrs Daniel Coxe" was once misread as "Mr" or "Dr", and the misreading perpetuated. There is a record in Boyd's London Burials Index of a "Dan Cox" who was buried in Clapham in 1731, but Clapham is on the other side of London from Hoxton, and Cox is a common name.

Of Dr Daniel Coxe's appearance, we have the evidence of Sir Peter Lely's portrait, which shows a youngish man with a kindly expression and bright, dark eyes. Because of his wig, it is difficult to guess his age, but he cannot have been more than forty because the painter died in 1680. The fact that Lely, much in demand as the court's favourite portraitist, painted him as a young man indicates that Dr Coxe was already perceived as a substantial figure in London.

The catalogue of official and promotional literature concerning Dr Coxe's activities, mostly in relation to America, gives only a hint at his character. He has been variously described as having "a credulous temperament and a penchant for exaggerated statements",21 as accepting naively the various maps and descriptions of exploration that came his way, and being a "man of grandiose ideas".22 He was by all accounts an ardent Anglican, although there is no evidence that he was anywhere near as hostile to Quakers and Roman Catholics as his son Daniel. Of Coxe as a doctor, we have the statement that he was "in very great Business in his Profession"23, together with the professional prestige that went with his appointments to Charles II and Queen Anne and his membership in the Royal Society and the College of Physicians. He was "one of the great American speculators of his age"24 - but his imperial ambitions and his hopes of trade profits came to nothing. He never saw the country in which he invested so much money and hope. His attempt to settle Huguenot refugees on the Mississippi stimulated the French and Spanish to step up their own colonising plans, instigating a struggle for control of the Mississippi Valley which continued for half a century and which, without Coxe's actions and words of warning, might arguably have gone another way. He has been credited as the first person to suggest that England's future in America must entail westward expansion.

There can be no doubt that Daniel Coxe possessed exceptional energy and an insatiable curiosity, a hunger for scientific, geographical and anthropological knowledge. If he appropriated his wife's dowry and his children's inheritance in order to finance his over-ambitious projects, it was what most men in his position, in his time, would have done and would have been expected to do. If he failed to meet his financial obligations to his children, it was apparently because those projects failed and not through vice or carelessness. He had little of his son Daniel's combative nature, but rather seemed usually ready to compromise, to make allowances, to placate. It seems fair to say that the inheritance he passed on to his children, and to their children, was his energy and his passion to achieve.


1. Alexander Du Bin, Coxe Family, Historical Publication Society of Philadelphia, 1936.
2. Will of John Coldham, 1696.
3. Will of Edmund Dethick, 1702.
4. William S. Coker, Introduction to facsimile reproduction of Col. Daniel Coxe's
Carolana, University of Florida, 1976.
Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, 1883.
6. Reproduced from
Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, 1883. Transcribed by G. D. Scull from the original in the Bodleian Library, Oxford.
7. G. D. Scull,
Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, 1883.
8. John E. Pomfret,
Colonial New Jersey, Scribner, 1973.
9. John Oldmixon,
The British Empire in America, 1708.
10. Reproduced in
Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, 1883.
11. Du Bin,
Coxe Family.
12. Coker, Introduction to
Carolana. This is Coker's "best translation" of d'Iberville's phrase.
13. Reproduced in
14. Coker, Introduction to
15. Justin Winsor, ed.,
Narrative and Critical History of America, AMS Press, 1967.
16. Coker, Introduction to
17. All quotes in this paragraph are taken from
Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, 1883.
18. Verner W. Crane,
The Southern Frontier 1670-1732, Philadelphia, 1929.
19. Coker, Introduction to
20. Transcribed from the original, Anne Harris's household book, in the Special Collections Library, University College London.
21. Frank E. Melvin,
Dr Daniel Coxe and Carolana, Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 1914-15.
22. Pomfret,
Colonial New Jersey.
23. Oldmixon,
The British Empire in America.
24. Pomfret,
Colonial New Jersey.

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Coxe family history - other chapters

Chapter 1 - Somerset Coxes and Dr Thomas Coxe
Chapter 2 - Daniel Coxe II of Stoke Newington and his children
Chapter 4 - Colonel Daniel Coxe
Chapter 5 - The Norton family of London and Virginia
Chapter 6 - The Jennys family